The former US VP Dick Cheney, who has died at the age of 84, was seen as one of the most influential incumbents of that position in US history. Whereas numerous vice-presidents were confined to marginal or symbolic functions, Cheney wielded substantial sway during the term of George W Bush, to such an extent that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush objected to that description and said the connection was more nuanced. He noted that Cheney was deferential, consistently addressing him in official appearances as the President, while he referred to him as Dick. Bush disputed even portrayals of their relationship as a team because it suggested that they were on equal footing. Despite such protestations, Cheney viewed the relaxed president pliable on a wide array of policy decisions.
A Aftermath of 9/11
At the head of a contingent of conservative hawks that featured defence secretary Donald Rumsfeld and deputy defence secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he pushed hard for the armed incursion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the terrorist strikes on New York and Washington. During of the 9/11 assault, Bush had been attending a session at a educational institution in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a underground facility in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the destruction of any non-communicating airplanes approaching the government building.
Cheney said the strikes altered his perspective, making him become intent on retaliation. Together with other conservative figures, such as Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he campaigned for a takeover of Afghanistan in an effort to seize Osama bin Laden. Cheney then strongly advocated for the invasion of Iraq, though there was insufficient indication of Saddam Hussein having involvement.
Controversial Actions
He voiced no apologies about the armed intervention, in which an reckoned 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the harsh treatment of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was founded on inaccurate information repeated by Cheney, was the right path to take. "It was the proper decision to do at that time. I believed it back then and I believe it now."
Yet even at the time, there were contrary opinions at a senior level about the botched execution of Iraq. One of the administration's own delegates to the region, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was dismissed from the position. "I observed, at the very least," he subsequently stated "obvious failure, negligence, and irresponsibility: potentially, falsehoods, unfitness, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely to blame for the Iraq invasion. Even before 9/11, Wolfowitz had pushed for such action. He had composed a memorandum setting out circumstances in which US concerns might be compromised (including "access to crucial commodities, primarily Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had asserted that "America should be postured to operate alone when collective action cannot be orchestrated," particularly mentioning military moves against Iraq.
Bush also had entered the White House somewhat determined on executing what his predecessor had specifically avoided to do in 1991; overthrow Saddam. After he had been dismissed by the administration, the finance chief Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the opening session of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his intention of reducing America's participation in the Middle East dispute and proposed defense operations against Iraq.
Bush bore a personal grudge against Saddam, believing he had been behind a scheme to murder his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He additionally disliked that one of the largest establishments in Baghdad had a ground design with a portrait of his predecessor's countenance that everyone had to walk over.
Questioning Techniques
Yet it was Cheney who was one of the most outspoken behind attacking Iraq, frequently citing intelligence reports that were whether thin or completely misleading. He endorsed what the Bush White House indirectly described as "intensive questioning", the use of simulated drowning and harsh treatment.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no useful information had resulted from the torture, Cheney disregarded the conclusions as "full of crap". He informed Fox News: "We instructed [the CIA] to take steps and create programmes to capture the perpetrators who killed 3,000 of us on 9/11 and ensure it would not recur. That's exactly what they did and they earn a lot of praise."
Public Image
Cheney reveled in labels imposed on him by critics such as Darth Vader and the sinister presence, and by the concept that he was a shadow power directing Bush. In the journalist's 2013 book about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is quoted as saying: "Am I the malevolent mastermind in the corner that operates invisibly come out of his hole? That is a nice way to work, actually."
Business Interests
Dispute over his commercial relationships followed him during his tenure as second-in-command. Although he had little experience in commerce but good contacts in military, especially in Saudi Arabia, he was invited to join Halliburton, one of the world's most substantial oil and gas corporations, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he became Bush's election partner for the White House. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was given US agreements worth multiple billions.
It significantly boosted his finances. His yearly compensation during his tenure at the company grew from his previous salary during his time as defence secretary to millions. When he departed in 2000 he had a severance arrangement totaling more than $20m|twenty
